ETHNIC MENTALITY/ NATIONAL STEREOTYPES ( Australia and New Zealand ).

Around the world, people are raised not to stereotype others. Nevertheless, they often define their own cultural identity by stereotyping themselves. Not only do the stereotypes provide the behavioural model that individuals seek to emulate, they also provide a sense of commonality that makes people feel that they are part of a community.

In Australia, there are some individuals who can likewise appreciate the benefits of a cultural identity and who have subsequently created stereotypes to affirm that identity. One such Australian is Peter Cosgrove, ex-Chief of the Army. According to Cosgrove, 

"Without doubt the best quality we observe across the entire Australian community is a natural willingness to pitch in and have a go, to help others. We see it of course whenever there is an emergency or a worthy cause. We see it in every community volunteer organisation from the lifesavers to the bushfire brigades through to the thousands of youth and mature age sporting clubs and those great international service organisations like Rotary and many others. We see it in our professional bodies such as the police, fire and ambulance services and of course in the defence force. It is a generosity of spirit and a selflessness that is perhaps our most precious heritage to hand on to younger and newer Australians - a nation of people who care for and look out for each other."

It is impossible to ascertain the accuracy of Cosgrove's stereotype. Certainly not all Australians volunteer to fight fires, guard beaches, join the army, work in a Salvation Army store, or pick up rubbish. However, even though a stereotype may not be true in practice, it may be true in myth and for this reason, belief in the stereotype is a fact in itself. Furthermore, when evoked in certain circumstances, the stereotype can become a self-fulfilling prophecy. Individuals who believe it may conform to the positive social identity that the stereotype promotes. A myth of behaviour can then become a fact of behaviour. In other words, the sterotype becomes a guide about how to act and conforms people in the process.

Social Identity Theory (Tajfel and Turner 1979) proposes that although individuals conform to stereotypes, it is usually only for a short time. Once the need for a social identity passes, the individuals exhibit their unique character traits once more. For example, an Australian may get pissed on ANZAC Day and value mateship on Australia Day because such behaviours are stereotypically associated with the days. On all other days, the Australian may refrain from celebrating mateship and may also avoid alcohol. Likewise, Australians may show great compassion for others after a bushfire because such behaviour is stereotyped Australian behaviour. On other days, the Australian becomes self-interested again. While Social Identity Theory helps explain why an Australian may exhibit individual personality traits in one setting and stereotyped Australian behaviours in another, it doesn't really explain why some Australians never adopt Australian stereotypes despite having a strong need for a social identity. Self-categorization Theory (Turner, Hogg, Oakes, Reicher, & Wetherell. 1987) provides a possible explanation. The theory basically proposes that an individual may have multiple social identities that are important to them at different times. For example, an Australian woman may see herself as an individual, a feminist, a Greens Party voter and an Australian. When she comes across a man talking about the courage needed to play football, she may act in accordance with the feminist stereotype by making derisive comments about male bravado. When the Greens Party speaks of the need to be carbon neutral, she may make critical comments of Liberal Party voters and then buy a low-emission car. When she comes across an Asian, she may criticise their hierarchical cultures and then define herself as egalitarian. In each case, the individual's behaviour changes according the social dynamics at work.

Self-categorisation Theory also proposes that stereotypes are defined in an intergroup context. As the group dynamic changes, so does the stereotypes. For example, if talking to Americans about the stereotype of his country, an Australian may say that Australians are laid back, down to earth and non-pretentious. However, if talking to Japanese about the same topic, the Australian may say that Australians are straight to the point and egalitarian. In both cases, the stereotype is defined as a point of comparison between groups. The comparative nature of stereotypes is especially important for political identities.

In Australia, the national stereotype has traditionally been weak. The shame associated with Australia’s Convict heritage may be one possible explanation for the weaknesses. Social stereotypes need to have a positive status before people will adopt them. A second reason is Australia’s geographic isolation. A national identity is really only needed when another nationality is encountered. Because Australians are geographically isolated, they have not encountered the different nationalities where a national identity is provoked as easily as citizens from other countries.
A national stereotype appears to have been particularly problematic for left-wing Australians. Not only have they rejected the need for a national identity, they have actively tried to portray the Australian stereotype in a negative way in the hope other Australians will likewise reject it. This strawman stereotypes can be seen in web sites that try to be funny, in movies exploring the Australian identity, in media campaigns by some academics and in advertising campaigns by some politicians.
Even though stereotypes are sometimes successfully manipulated, in the long run, negative stereotyping of a rival group is a counter-productive way for convincing others to come around to a political ideology. In order for people to identify with a social group, people need to find something positive with that social group. Although the left's strawman stereotyping has been quite effective in eroding the positive image the outback has held for urban Australians, this has not translated to massive support for the left-wing. If anything, the negative stereotyping has also created the stereotype that the left-wing is full of mean spirited people, which turns off many Australians as well.
Some stereotypes about Australians: party animals; nature lovers; surf all day – drink all night; have surfer chicks; heavy binge drinkers; neurotic; extroverted; sometimes shallow but honest; open-minded; free spirited; love to joke; “hail-fellow-well-met” or “chummy” attitude; men are useless dads; have barbie loving home cooking mums; uncultured; Crocodile Dundee outsider types; sports lovers; meat eaters; bush battling rednecks.
( Emirova F.)
 
Most countries are informally thought to have a national 'type'; this can be seen in positive or negative terms. Most have some basis in reality, but are often outdated and applicable to only a small section of society. They typically exclude women, although there may also be a national female type. A number of famous New Zealanders seem to fit the national stereotype. This is probably due to three factors: the stereotypically 'Kiwi' qualities of famous people being emphasised; people who seem to embody the type becoming famous due to this (for example Barry Crump), or famous people acting as people expect them to. It should not be assumed that a famous person who seems to fit the stereotype provides evidence of the widespread truth of that stereotype.
 The kiwi male 
The stereotypical New Zealand male is essentially a pioneer type: he is rural, unintellectual, strong, unemotional, democratic, has little time for high culture, good with animals (particularly horses) and machines, and is able to turn his hand to nearly anything. This type of man is often assumed to be a unique product of New Zealand's colonial period but he shares many similarities with the stereotypical American frontiersman and Australian bushman. New Zealand men are supposed to still have many of these qualities, even though most New Zealanders have lived in urban areas since the late nineteenth century. This has not prevented New Zealanders seeing themselves (and being seen) as essentially country people and good at the tasks which country life requires. The stereotypical Kiwi male is assumed to be a heterosexual of Anglo-Celtic origin, although Māori men are often seen as embodying many of the characteristics described above. The kiwi male is said to have unique qualities which have become national stereotypes in their own right:
Kiwi ingenuity: This is the idea that New Zealanders display a MacGyver-like ability to solve any problem, often using unconventional means or whatever happens to be lying around. This is also described as the Number 8 wire mentality, which holds that anything can be made or fixed with basic or everyday materials, such as number 8 fencing wire. New Zealanders seen as embodying this quality include Burt Munro (subject of The World's Fastest Indian) and Richard Pearse, who some believe achieved flight before the Wright Brothers. Kiwi ingenuity is also linked to the phrase "she'll be right, mate" (shared with Australia), which expresses the belief that the situation, repairs, or whatever has been done is adequate or sufficient for what is needed. It is seen less positively than Kiwi ingenuity, especially if something goes wrong. Kiwi ingenuity is not strictly a male preserve, although it is generally spoken of in relation to men.
 The hard man: New Zealand men have often been stereotyped as strong, unemotional and prone to violence. For many years this was seen as a good thing, and was best embodied by All Black Colin Meads. Voted 'New Zealand player of the century' by New Zealand Rugby Monthly magazine, Meads was the second All Black to be sent off the field, and once played a match with a broken arm.  In recent decades the macho attitude has been both criticised and reviled as dangerous both to men who embody it and those around them. It has been blamed for New Zealand's culture of heavy drinking and its high male suicide rate. However it still has its supporters, with some commentators claiming that the All Blacks do not have enough 'mongrel'.
Rugby, Racing and Beer: New Zealand male culture was traditionally said to centre on the 'three Rs': Rugby (union), (Horse) Racing and beer. Rugby union has long been popular as both a spectator and a participant sport, with the national rugby team (the All Blacks) considered national heroes. Horse racing has always been more popular as a focus of gambling than for any other reason. In addition, for many years horse racing was one of the few things which could be legally bet on. Beer is New Zealand's most popular alcoholic drink, although most New Zealand beers are actually lagers of varying colour. Few people consider the Three Rs to dominate New Zealand culture today, although rugby and beer are still very popular. Race betting has declined in popularity, partly due to the legalisation of other forms of sports betting in the 1990s, although cup races still attract considerable attention. National level rugby continues to be very popular as a spectator sport, although not to the same extent as in the mid twentieth century. Spectators at club and some regional levels have also dropped since that time, mostly due to television and the increasing number of international and semi-international (ie the Super Rugby) matches. There has been some concern in recent years that parents are reluctant to let their children play rugby for fear of injury, however it has been estimated that 14% of 5 to 17 year olds regularly play. Beer continues to be a popular drink, although it is losing ground to wine and 'RTDs' (ready to drink spirit and mixers).
 The kiwi female: There are few stereotypes surrounding New Zealand women, and these stereotypes are not as strong as those involving men. The two strongest stereotypes are:
 Independence: New Zealand women are sometimes thought to be more independent than women elsewhere. New Zealand being the first country in the world to give women the vote and the only one to have all its most important positions of state power simultaneously filled by women is seen as evidence of this.  
Lack of femininity: Women in New Zealand are supposedly unfeminine, for example wearing masculine clothing and spending little time on makeup and other forms of personal grooming. This can also be seen in a positive light; Kiwi women are portrayed as not being held back by ideas about being 'ladylike' and are therefore willing to take on 'masculine' tasks such as car maintenance and playing rugby. Former Prime Minister Helen Clark is often seen as an embodiment of this stereotype, for good and bad: critics point at her lack of children and her choice on one occasion to meet the Queen while wearing trousers; supporters like her passion for mountain climbing and ability to hold her own in parliamentary debates.
( Zentsova A.)

 http://www.convictcreations.com/research/australianstereotypes.html

http://www.newzealandatoz.com/index.php/page/display/1055/

Main cultural concepts depicted in Australian and New Zealand national worldviews.

These competing world views actually represent something of a schism that is new to the Australian psyche, and that will define much of the social and business agenda in Australia in the coming decade. On the one hand Australians see themselves as outward-looking, positive people happy to engage with, and be engaged by, the rest of the world. In this outward view Australia and Australians are confident of their place in, and of  their value to, the global community. This positive engagement with the rest of the world is evidenced in their largely export-oriented economy as well as their propensity to travel, and to work abroad. For the first time in the history, more Australians travel theirseas than foreigners visit Australia. New words have entered their vocabulary: the gap year was largely invented by that most-travelled of generations, Gen Y, to describe a period at the end of the teenage years when broader horizons are confidently explored. New Zealanders call this their OE, or overseas experience, year. In a little more than a decade, Australia has asserted its interests in areas of international conflict in Timor, Iraq and Afghanistan. There are now closer ties with the US, most likely as a consequence of their alignment with US foreign policy. At the same time the rising business of trading gas, iron ore and coal strengthens their  links with China. There is also a closer, albeit at times strained, relationship with India as a consequence of their entering the business of delivering international education services.

All of this is on top of the fact that Australia is now attracting record numbers of migrants: 297,000 net migration in the year to June last year, compared with say 97,000 10 years earlier. It would seem the views espoused by New York Times journalist Thomas Friedman in his 2005 book The World is Flat were correct. In that world, where resources and labour flow almost seamlessly between markets, Australia is a winner. How could their world view not be shaped by this internationalisation of Australian interests over the past decade? But just as Australia embraced a fuller engagement with the rest of the world, another competing world view emerged.  Australia concerned about external forces over which they have little or nor control. As a consequence it is considered important that  Australians close ranks and protect what they have. This is an inward world view.

The climate change issue gathered popular momentum in Australia from 2006 with the release of Al Gore's movie and the IPCC report (2007), both of which seemed to coincide with devastating weather events such as droughts, floods, cyclones and even bushfires. The concept of a threat from beyond has very much been part of the Australian narrative over the past decade -- to such an extent that there is now a backlash against what they see as external threats.Sydney's Cronulla riots (2005) and Melbourne's violence against Indians perhaps reflect an ascendant world view that there are external threats to the Australian way of life. Climate, foreign students, immigrants are all part of the same external threat that must be resisted by imposing taxes and barriers.Even the mining community has been drawn into the angst: there are people in cahoots with foreigners selling non-renewable Australian resources without paying a fair commission. It's a line that feeds well into a world view held by some Australians.

( Emirova F.)

The world view of Māori changed immediately after they arrived in New Zealand. Encounter with European settlers brought further change. It is not possible to say that there is a single viewpoint in Māori culture today. The ideas set out here are only an attempt to understand the world view of Māori before Europeans arrived. In traditional Māori knowledge, as in many cultures, everything in the world is believed to be related. People, birds, fish, trees, weather patterns – they are all members of a cosmic family. This linking was explained in tātai (genealogies) and kōrero (stories), collectively termed whakapapa (meaning to make a foundation, to place in layers). Experts recited the whakapapa of people, birds, fish, trees and the weather to explain the relationships between all things and thus to place themselves within the world. This helped people to understand the world, and how to act within these relationships.

Gods and their families

The entire world was seen as a vast and complex whānau (family). In the Māori story of creation, the earth and sky came together and gave birth to some 70 children, who eventually thrust apart their parents and populated the world. Each of the children became the god of a particular domain of the natural world. Their children and grandchildren then became ancestors in that domain. For example, Tangaroa, god of the sea, had a son called Punga. Punga then had two children: Ikatere, who became the ancestor of the fish of the sea, and Tūtewehiwehi, who became the ancestor of the fish and amphibious lizards of inland waterways.

The value of oral traditions 

Although many of the stories are myths, they also have a practical function. They can pass on knowledge about the natural world, such as where to find wood pigeons and how to harvest them. Although science is another way of understanding the natural world, the traditional principle of interconnectedness is still important and meaningful to Māori. For example, the genealogy of fish and sea animals makes clear the kinship of people and other creatures. It also points out values that guide people’s interaction with other species, teaching respect and correct conduct. As the sun rises each morning and sets each evening, the world follows a daily cycle of light (Te Ao) and darkness (Te Pō). Māori creation stories emphasise this movement from nothingness and darkness to the world of light – Te Ao Mārama. It is said that the world itself is created each morning with the rise of the sun.

Ideas about origins

Until the arrival of Europeans in the late 1700s, Māori held a world view that originated in their Polynesian homeland. This grew and changed according to life in the new land. The Polynesian influence is still widely evident, although it is challenged by some. Some iwi (tribes) hold that their ancestors did not come from over the sea, but sprang from the New Zealand landscape. Some Whanganui traditions speak of the inland mountains as their place of birth.
The concepts of mana, tapu and mauri relate both to people and to the natural world.

Mana

Mana refers to an extraordinary power, essence or presence. This applies to the energies and presences of the natural world. There are degrees of mana and our experiences of it, and life seems to reach its fullness when mana comes into the world. The most important mana comes from Te Kore – the realm beyond the world we can see, and sometimes thought to be the ‘ultimate reality’.

Tapu

Certain restrictions, disciplines and commitments have to take place if mana is to be expressed in physical form, such as in a person or object. The concepts of sacredness, restriction and disciplines fall under the term tapu. For example, mountains that were important to particular tribal groups were often tapu, and the activities that took place on these mountains were restricted.

Mauri

Mauri is an energy which binds and animates all things in the physical world. Without mauri, mana cannot flow into a person or object.
(Alla Zentsova)

http://www.theaustralian.com.au/business/opinion/inward-and-outward-world-views-collide/story-e6frg9jx-1225868879925

http://www.teara.govt.nz/en/te-ao-marama-the-natural-world/1

Australian and New Zealand national worldview.

Worldviews can be thought of as a lens through which individuals see the world around them. Worldviews may include assumptions of cause and effect, notions of good and bad, and even what goals are desirable in life. These assumptions may also include ideas that cannot be proved but are nevertheless part of the individual’s belief system. This is demonstrated by how members of different groups may have varying concepts of how and why events occur, which they find to be valid and acceptable.
Culture and worldview are both dependant on each other. Not only are worldviews important in communication within a cultural group, but also they also help organise the way in which members perceive and think about various norms, symbols and behaviours. This influence of culture is observed in how individuals within a culture may hold a number of similar ideas or values. This might be something very specific, such as how one should treat a various individuals, or a larger, more general trend of behaviour. An example of this would be the concept of individualism/collectivism that refers to how individuals manage disparity between their own agenda and that of their group.

Australia

Religion:
Religion usually serves a fundamental role in a national world view. The church has remained separated from the state, and also from the mainstream of ideas and culture in general. Australians, if active in religion, commonly affiliate with the Christian-based religions. Only about 25% of Australians consider religion to be "very important," in comparison to 58% of Americans. Twelve percent do not practice religion. Of those who do actively partake in religious practices, 25% practice Anglican religion, 25% Roman Catholicism, and 25% other Protestant religions. Fewer than 1% of those who practice consider themselves Jewish. The small number of people who consider religion to be important conveys a nation of little spiritual focus, and perhaps a diversely structured set of thoughts and life views.
Hall's High/Low Context:
We consider Australia to be a low-context culture. This implies that the population is less homogeneous and more diversified. The dominant communication style of Australians is very open. A low-context culture means that the communicative messages lie in the verbal messages opposed to the nonverbal. However, Australians tend to need a lot of background information on someone in order to communication with him/her.
Hofstede's Cultural Patterns:
Australia received a score of 29 on Hofstede's scale of POWER DISTANCE. A low power distance implies that power in Australia is spread out to everyone instead of being reserved to a few groups. This relatively low score implies that Australians believe that they are close to power, that they should have access to that power, that the powerful and the powerless should try to live in concert with each other, and that a hierarchy is an inequality of roles established for convenience (Samovar and Porter, 70).
Australia received a score of 27 on the scale of UNCERTAINTY AVOIDANCE. This score implies that Australians do not like uncertainty, that they want stability for members, they strive for consensus, follow many rules, and tend to have more stress and anxiety.
Australia received a score of 2 on the INDIVIDUALISM/COLLECTIVISM scale. This is a very low score and implies that Australians promote individualism, promote personal goals over allegiance to groups, and competition is encouraged.
Australia received a score of 14 on the MASCULINITY/FEMININITY scale. This score falls somewhat in the middle, yet leans toward the masculinity side. Australian characteristics on the masculinity side include ambition, differentiated sex roles, achievement, acquisition of money, and signs of manliness.
In general, the Australian culture is very human dominated, future-oriented, activity-oriented, and individualistic.
( Emirova F.)

New Zealand

New Zealand is a bi-cultural society with a well-developed environmental ethic. This ethic reflects deep connections of both cultures to nature and is expressed in such national symbols as the kiwi and silver fern. More significantly, the environmental ethic has given rise to a strong national conservation movement and ultimately to a consensus anti-nuclear policy. Polynesian peoples (now called Māori) migrated to New Zealand about 1000ybp and hold a genealogical view of their relationship to the unique indigenous animals, many of whom are held sacred (tapu) as ancestors. This understanding parallels the Darwinian evolutionary view that underpins the contemporary New Zealand conservation movement, arising from European science. The relatively recent settlement of New Zealand also makes apparent the ecological damage that both cultures have inflicted on the indigenous biota, leading both cultures to commit to ecological restoration programmes. Young New Zealanders develop this environmental ethic in many ways: subliminally, through identification with national symbols such as the kiwi; economically, as New Zealand’s primary sources of national wealth arise from healthy nature (farming, forestry, fishing, tourism); and formally, through a primary and secondary education system that includes strong components of environmental education. New Zealanders are proud of their emerging national identity as a ‘clean green’ country and of the unique natural history of their country.

(Zentsova A.)

http://acad.depauw.edu/~mkfinney/teaching/Com227/culturalportfolios/australia/WorldView.htm

http://ir.canterbury.ac.nz/bitstream/10092/2696/1/thesis.pdf

http://www.bioquest.org/IUBS/daugherty.php

CULTURAL COMPONENT OF PHRASEOLOGY.

In recent  years , phraseology in the broad sense has become a unifying  theme for an increasing number of theoretical and practical linguistic studies. Among this broad palette of investigations into the meaning, structure or use of set-phrases, cross-linguistic research is one of the major and fascinating  topics.

An Englishman may sleep like a dog, but Frenchman  will, among other possibilities, sleep like marmot(dormer comme une marmotte), a Dutchman like a rose, a German like a stone. This list might be extended to all  the languages of the world and would reveal  the amazing richness and diversity of language.

Is the no rhyme or reason to the unbridled imagination underlying set phrases in different languages or is it possible to discover  some universal principles? Will set phrases enable researchers to gain information about the cultural patterns and ways of life prevailing in other parts of the world?

Set phrases in the broad sense  have been identified in many languages. It’s well known that phraseological tradition originated in Russia and Germany. As a result, Russian and German were among the first languages to be fully described from the point of view of phraseology, although the movement later extended  to English, French and most European languages.

There is a close link between culture and phraseology. This is best revealed by proverbs and fully idiomatic set phrases, because they tend to rely heavily on images, traditions or habits, that are characteristic of a given culture. It’s no easy matter, however,  to draw a line between images that are related to more or less universal aspects of the human mind, and features of the specific culture. There is also a common idiomatic heritage to all European languages, originated from biblical, Latin and Greek expressions.

The assumption that phrasemes, particularly idioms and proverbs allow access to a collective way of thinking of a language community belongs to the more general  and highly complex issues of the relation between language, cognition, and  culture. The idea that the world is principally perceived through the medium of language, which determines the speaker’s world view can be found in several directions of phraseological research.  This conception postulates, that the analysis of phraseology allows insight into the speech  community’s own culture and mentality, if not into its national character.

In our essay we  have attempted  to approach the complex of  figurative phraseology  and culture. A look at entire conceptual domains has then shown that cultural phenomena are determinable at the levels of complete source concepts and semantic  fields. Finally, the possibility of capturing aspects of a cultural world-view by means of the analysis of cultural components  and cross-linguistic  comparisons has been touched upon briefly, as have etymology and historical phraseology. To summarise, phrasemes  as conventional  figurative multi-word units that are passed on from generation to generation through continual repetition turn out to be especially suitable for revealing cultural relevant concepts. 

http://books.google.com.ua/books?id=0untckS7N-EC&pg=PA223&lpg=PA223&dq=cultural+component+of+phraseology&source=bl&ots=xg8Byr-bAh&sig=dwEfR3vmk2GDoP2DV4vmhF9uacU&hl=ru&sa=X&ei=p2VnT5GAOKyQ4gT69rGLCA&sqi=2&ved=0CDUQ6AEwAw#v=onepage&q=cultural%20component%20of%20phraseology&f=false

(Emirova F/ Zentsova A.)